The
Conduct of PR-STV Elections: The Rules For The Count
Are Unfair
(Extract
from a de Borda Institute discussion document, dated 5 September
2000, presented to Mr. George Howarth, MP)
The rules for PR-STV elections have been written
and re-written on a number of occasions. For example, one
of the first advocates, Mr. Hare, proposed his own quota,
whereas these days, we are more acquainted with the one named
after Mr. Droop. In general, however, we regard PR-STV as
reasonably fair and, for a divided society, its benefits need
little emphasis.
That is not to say, however, that the present
rules are perfect; indeed, in one particular respect, they
are erroneous, and hence this paper, for every society should
try to improve its democratic structures as and when necessary,
so as to ensure they are always as fair as possible. The error
in the current rules relates to the fact that, in certain
instances, the transfer value of a vote will be altered, and
this appears to offend the very principle of proportionality
upon which the system is supposedly based. We hope the following
example will help to explain our argument: imagine, if you
will, an election in which four of the candidates are A, B,
C and D, and in which A has a surplus in the first count.
The value of A's transferable votes depends
upon A's surplus divided by A's total vote. If, for example,
her total vote is 10000 while the quota is 9000, she will
have a surplus of 1000 votes, and each second preference will
therefore have a transfer value of 0.1. If, then, 5000 of
A's first preference voters give their second preference to
B, he gets a transfer of 5000 x 0.1 = 500. If at the same
time C gets 3000 of her second preferences, C gets a transfer
of 300; and if D gets 2000, D gets 200. All of that is in
accordance with the rules, and all thus far is both logical
and fair.
In Principle
In Practice
1st count
2nd count
2nd count
A
10,000
- 1000
- 1000
B
+ 500
+ 500
C
+ 300
+ 300
D
+ 200
+ 200
Non-transferables
-
-
But what happens when, while 5000 of A's first
preference voters give their second preferences to B and 3000
give theirs to C, the other 2000 voters express no second
preferences at all? In this case, according to the rules,
with only 80% of the votes transferable, the value of the
transfer vote is adjusted. From a human rights point of view,
there can be no justification for this adjustment whatsoever!
What happens is as follows: the value of the
transfer vote is increased from 0.1 to 0.125, so B now gets
a transfer of 5000 x 0.125 = 625 votes, while C gets a transfer
of 3000 x 0.125 = 375 votes. In effect, therefore, those people
who cast no second preferences are 'assumed' (in a mathematical
sense) to have cast second preferences, in exactly the same
proportion as those who did do so, and, as a consequence,
in this particular example, there appear to be no non-transferable
votes at all.
In Principle
In Practice
1st count
2nd count
2nd count
A
10,000
- 1000
- 1000
B
+ 500
+ 625
C
+ 300
+ 375
D
-
-
Non-transferables
200
-
The rules add a proviso to state that no candidate
can receive a transfer greater than the original number of
second preferences cast in his/her favour. In the example
given, B receives 625 which is far less than the total of
5000 of A's second preferences cast in his favour, so it is
deemed (by the rules) to be acceptable. 625, however, is still
more than the fair figure of 500 and, as is well known, such
relatively small mathematical differences can easily make
all the political difference between success and failure!
We would now like to take the example one
stage further, to see what can happen when B's theoretical
transfer is greater than the number of A's second preferences
cast in his favour. Imagine only 500 voters of A's 10000 first
preference voters cast their second preferences for B, only
300 voters for C, and that all the remaining 9200 votes are,
in theory, non-transferable. Such a situation could quite
easily occur at the latter stages of many PR-STV counts. In
principle, from a human rights point of view, the transfer
value should still be 0.1, so B should now get a transfer
of 500 x 0.1 = 50 votes, C should get a transfer of 30 votes,
and all the other votes should be non-transferable, both in
name and in fact.
What happens, however, is that the transfer
value is again increased, but those two transfers, which would
be 625 and 375 but for the above-mentioned proviso, are thus
reduced to 500 and 300 respectively. These transfers of 500
and 300 are still greater than what they should be, namely,
50 and 30. Furthermore, in this third example, there will
now be a non-transferable total, namely, 200; if the rules
were fair, though, this last total would be 920.
In Principle
In Practice
1st count
2nd count
2nd count
A
10,000
- 1000
- 1000
B
+ 50
+ 500
C
+ 30
+ 300
D
-
-
Non-transferables
920
200
In principle, a vote's transfer value should
depend only on the size of the surplus in relation to the
size of the total vote. As the above examples indicate, transfer
values in practice depend on the number of further preferences
cast, and the value of Citizen Y's second preference for Candidate
F, say, increases if Citizen Z, instead of giving a second
preference to candidate G, say, decides to express no second
preference at all. That cannot be correct; the effect of Citizen
Y's second preference should not be so subject to the deeds
of Citizen Z.
There is, after all, only one principle involved;
it should not therefore be necessary to have two procedures
and one proviso, one compact rule should suffice. Accordingly,
the change we suggest would be a simplification.
The above paper was presented to Mr.
George Howarth MP and, at his request, a delegation from the
de Borda Institute then visited Mr. Denis Stanley, the new
Chief Electoral Officer, in December, 2000. Despite the above
arguments, however, the government has stated – 28th
March 2001 – that it does not intend to consider any
changes.
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